At the time that this video is being made, it’s been about half a year since I released The Transformation of Ireland – a deep dive into the world of immigration and demographic projections for the country. Since then, that video has racked up close to 100,000 views – which, for the size of this channel, is an amazing thing to see. Thank you to everyone who watched and shared it, hopefully you got something useful from it.
At the start of that video I began by talking about the town of Lisdoonvarna, and what had happened there after the state and a local hotelier got together and decided to set up a new accommodation centre for more than 100 Asylum Seekers. Prior to this, the permanent population of the town only numbered about 300 people and the proposed centre therefore threatened to transform it virtually overnight. If you want the full details of that story I recommend you watch the aforementioned video, which you can find on this channel. The short version however is that the state and hotelier eventually chose to ignore overwhelming local opposition and set up the centre anyway.
Fast forward now to the last month or so, where the government have entered into a number of new agreements with other hotel operators in similarly remote, low population parts of Ireland – to set up more accommodation for asylum seekers in underused hotels. As with Lisdoonvarna, the deals to create the new Centres in Rooskey, Wicklow, Abbeyleix and Moville appear to have been done in secret, neither informing local representatives nor the public that live in and around the proposed locations. So far all of these announcements have been met with angry push-back from locals – with one hotel even being subjected to an apparent arson attack. But, as with Lisdoonvarna earlier in the year, there is yet no sign that the government or the majority of the hotel operators are willing to listen to people’s concerns or to alter any of their plans. It’s been estimated that as many as 100 Asylum Seekers will be moved into Moville, 100 into Wicklow, 80 into Rooskey and approximately 60 have already been moved into Abbeyleix.. It’s expected that more locations will be announced over the coming months.
“I think it’s a disgrace, I really do. I don’t like it and I don’t think the town likes it either.” “Nobody knew this was happening” we were not informed. The Department of Justice did not liaise with anybody in this village.” “I’m afraid. I am…like.. I’m afraid… I’m on my own with two kids down here and…having people that I don’t know…like God knows what’s…. They’ve nothing to do up here, nothing whatsoever”. “Adrian Shanagher is the hotel owner and made the decision to close the hotel and reopen it as a direct provision centre.” “We lost about 200,000 in the year to September 2018 and quite simply it was a decision taken for commercial reasons, where we took a view that we could stop those losses or indeed try and turn a profit. Ultimately what I decide to do or not to do with a property that I’m engaged in and involved in and own – that’s a decision for me. I also don’t think that the locality should have a veto.”
What perhaps, to many outside observers, seems like a comparatively small matter has suddenly fired up into one of the most controversial issues in the country.
Many living in the towns in question have argued that the school, medical and police provisions in their locations are ill-equipped to deal with the kind of population increases that these moves will mean. Valid though these concerns are, one can’t help but think many take up this particular angle of dissent as it appears to be the closest thing they have to a ‘respectable’ objection to the asylum centres – given that voicing concerns in the current social climate about the demographic and cultural transformations that result from bringing in significant numbers of people from the third world means being met with accusations of ‘racism’ and ‘bigotry’. But if we reject that sort of framing and question the very idea that demographic transformation, i.e. ‘diversity’, is a moral imperative in itself, we soon see that people’s desire for their home towns to retain the character and population they already have really is not that bizarre. Moreover, although the overall number of asylum seekers is comparatively small, when considered in the broader context of rural Irish life, and migration to Ireland and the West more generally, we begin to understand people’s discomfort.
So let’s start breaking down some of that context in which this debacle exists.
First, before we even look into Ireland’s Asylum Seeker accommodation programme – Direct Provision, let’s look at some of the context that these rural communities exist in.
Ireland as a country is very heavily weighted in terms of population density, governance, wealth and resource distribution toward the two major population centres on the Eastern side of the island: Dublin in the Republic of Ireland and Belfast in Northern Ireland. As a general rule of thumb, the further westward one goes away from these two cities the more one enters territory that feels remote from the centres of power and less well provisioned in terms of basic infrastructure. Although there have been improvements in recent decades, these imbalances have existed since at least the earliest days of Britain’s colonial rule.
Emigration has been a feature of Irish society for many decades, before even partition and the creation of the two modern states on the island. The last couple of years have seen a reversal of this, with many people who emigrated in years past now returning to the county; but most Irish families have relatives who’ve left for The USA, Britain, Australia etc and not returned. This has been especially devastating in rural communities, where many villages and small towns still struggle to retain their youth population, especially the more talented and bright ones – not just to the lure of life overseas, but also to the pull of internal migration to Dublin and, to a lesser extent, Belfast or Cork. This makes economic and cultural development in these areas difficult, and leads to the thinning of important resources such as postal services and doctors surgeries, but on a more a human level also pulls families apart and disrupts community life. Arguably this feeds into the identity that rural Ireland has – proudly more rugged and independent than their urban counterparts, but ironically fostering a sense of neglect at not receiving the benefits that come with being more urbanised. This is of course a complex problem to solve, but it’s one that many rural communities feel has been consistently overlooked by the powers that be.
Now against this backdrop, many feel the government are embarking on a policy of singling out rural areas as places to move asylum seekers into, under the programme of Direct Provision.
Direct Provision was set up around the year 2000, initially as a temporary measure, to house asylum seekers and have their needs provided for by private contracting partners to the state. Asylum seekers are given accommodation, food, heating and household maintenance etc along with a small personal allowance (which is set to rise shortly). Despite this, life in Direct Provision has been described as ‘demoralising’ and ‘overcrowded’. Restrictions are placed on when and where residents can go, having visitors is often made difficult and quite often people are not at liberty to prepare food for themselves.
Despite this, Direct Provision brings in a significant amount of revenue for the private companies that enter into partnerships with the state to house the asylum seekers. For example, the accommodation centre in Mosney county Meath, owned by Mosney Holidays, reportedly brought in 127 million euro of government money between 2002 and 2017. Another company, Bridgestock Limited, took at least 91 million Euro between 2000 and 2017. Bridgestock have recently been named as the firm who will operate the new Direct Provision centre in Moville, county Donegal. Another company, Millstreet Equestrian Services received 76 million euros in fees from the state between 2000 and 2017.
How much of this money is profit however is unknown, as many companies operating Direct Provision centres (including all three of the abovementioned companies) have unlimited status and therefore do not have to release their accounts publicly.
In total, in 2017 the government paid out approximately 50 million euros to the various Direct Provision operators. In 2018 that budget was increased was to 66 million, to cover the increase in the number of new asylum applications month on month and the aforementioned opening of a number of new accommodation centres – most of which are the result of deals with private companies to convert hotels in rural areas. As of September 2018, before the opening of the new centres in Moville, Rooskey, Wicklow and Abbeyleix, Ireland’s asylum accommodation was running at 97% capacity, with a number of centres reported more recently as being over-full. On top of this, a number of recent closures in the capital city means that there will soon be only two accommodation centres in Dublin, with almost all the newly opened centres being in rural areas.
The most recent centre to announce closure was the Clondalkin Towers Hotel, the largest Direct Provision centre in Dublin. Originally scheduled to close this December, closure has now been pushed back to next summer.
The company that ran the centre are reported as having received more than 27 million euro from the state between 2006 and 2015. Despite tendering for new locations in Dublin to open up and replace the recent closures, the department responsible for asylum reported than no hotels or premises came forward that were based in Dublin. It’s difficult to speculate as to why this might be, but many might wonder whether the enormous property bubble centred around the capital city has at all influenced things – for example the average rent in Dublin was recorded in the latter half of 2018 as an eye-watering 1600 euros, and the price of an average house in the city coming in just under 400 thousand euros. These enormous price spikes have made Dublin more expensive to live in than even Silicon Valley, and has lead to a serious housing crisis for Irish people. Profitable though Direct Provision appears to have been for many companies, perhaps now the current property bubble provides more lucrative opportunities for hoteliers as property speculators. Meanwhile, in rural areas where many hotels are underused for much of the year, Direct Provision is something welcomed by hotel businesses as a more reliable income stream.
Direct Provision isn’t the only expense that government has in relation to asylum in Ireland though. In 2014 it was reported that the government spends an estimated 150 million euro each year on the asylum system, whilst in the five year period between 2005 and 2009 the government reportedly spent 1.27 billion on asylum, of which more than 400 million went into Direct Provision.
Now that we’ve looked a little at who is running the Direct Provision system, let’s take a look at who the asylum seekers themselves are.
As of September 2018 there are almost 6000 people living in Direct Provision centres across Ireland. Perhaps contrary to the public perception of asylum seekers being predominantly women and children, 43% of 2018 applicants – the largest category recorded by the system, are single adult men. Most of the men in the system are aged between 18 and 35. More than half of people are from the continent of Africa, whilst another third are from Asia. Up to September, the top countries of origin for asylum applicants in 2018 are Georgia, Syria, Albania, Pakistan, and Zimbabwe. Syria not surprisingly appears high on this list due to the on-going conflict in that country; however, the other countries are perhaps less easily explained. Georgia and Albania for instance, are both European countries that whilst not economically all that well off, do not have any on-going conflicts to speak of.
In 2017 Georgia was granted visa-free access to travel throughout the European Union, shortly afterwards wealthier EU countries saw a spike in the numbers of Georgians claiming asylum. Despite this increase, Georgians have only rarely been granted asylum in the EU. Many EU nations responded negatively to this spike, with Germany going as far as to call it an abuse of the asylum system. Then, earlier this year Germany, Ireland and a number of other EU countries all declared Georgia a ‘safe country’, effectively ending any hope that people travelling from there would be granted any asylum. At the same time Ireland declared Albania also to be a ‘safe country’. Since then the number of Georgians requesting asylum in Germany has fallen to negligible amounts. However, in Ireland Georgians and Albanians collectively still make up about 14% of the people in Direct Provision. One possible reason for this might be Ireland’s notoriously lengthy asylum procedures. At present, asylum seekers spend an average of 2 years in Direct Provision, whilst some people have reportedly been in the system for more than 5 years. Appeals procedures can drag on for years, meanwhile fewer than 20% of those who’re eventually given deportation orders ever actually leave the country.
Even more incredibly, reports circulated earlier this year of an alleged scheme that officially ‘doesn’t exist’ that enables illegal migrants who’ve been in the country for more than five years to remain in Ireland. This reputed ‘scheme that doesn’t exist’ was brought up in a court case involving a Nigerian woman who’d evaded deportation since 2011, and implies that judges in asylum cases are implementing recommendations from the McMahon report, despite this never being made official government policy. We’ll talk more about the McMahon report a little later.
If we look at the breakdown for countries of origin for existing Direct Provision residents we see that the top countries are Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Pakistan, Albania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Discounting Albania, as we’ve already touched briefly upon it, it can be difficult searching for a pattern or a strong reasoning why people from these countries are coming to a tiny, wet island off the coast of western Europe. Certainly, Ireland has no particular historical or cultural connection to these places that might make it a logical or attractive option.
When we think about the political and social conditions in these locations, they are of course places of instability and inter-tribal conflict – for instance Nigeria has had large parts of its territory occupied by Islamist insurgents within the last decade and the Democratic Republic of Congo is long a place of simmering conflict; but many wonder how these conflicts lead to the large-scale flight of people all the way to another continent. Others also ask whether there aren’t safe, peaceful states much nearer to those countries that people could more readily flee to. In Ireland and the rest of Europe, questions are often raised about whether or not many who claim asylum here are not in fact motivated by economic reasons. But in truth, when it comes the third world, motivations of economics and of survival often blur into the same thing. I’ve touched on this a little bit in the video How Global Demographics Threaten to Transform the West – where I talk about the enormous population growth that has occurred in migrant-sending third world countries, and look at how this is fuelling struggles for food, water and land thereby leading to mass migration. I’d recommend you check that video out for a fuller exploration of the topic, but it suffices here to say that simplistic, emotive narratives about asylum often fail to really capture what is going on and why migrants are coming to places like Ireland. None of this of course is to suggest that Ireland or Europe more generally should be particularly compelled to take in people from the third world, neither is it to say that mass migration in any way could serve to fix any of the problems that exist there.
So we’ve looked at the system and we’ve looked at the people living in the system, what remains now is to look at where things are headed. I mentioned briefly earlier the McMahon report – or to give it its proper, catchier title: ‘Working Group to Report to Government on Improvements to the Protection Process, including Direct Provision and Supports to Asylum Seekers’. Essentially, a government review headed up by former Judge Bryan McMahon produced a report in 2015 that made various recommendations about how to change the Irish asylum system. Some of its key proposals included speeding up the time it takes to process asylum cases, closer working arrangements between government agencies and NGOs, access to third level education and other training, the right to work, improvements to living conditions and an increase to the financial allowance given to asylum seekers. Most of the recommended reforms have been implemented or are on their way to being implemented, with the exception of a proposed amnesty for people living in the system for five years and people who’ve evaded deportation for the same period (provided they have no criminal record). As we’ve already mentioned though, some in the legal system are allegedly operating as though this were accepted policy.
At the same time as these reforms have been implemented there has also been a radical change to the rates at which asylum claims are accepted or rejected in Ireland. In both 2016 and 2015 more than half of claims were rejected at the final decision stage, and only a little over 10% were given refugee status at the first instance. However, in 2017 approximately 80% of claims were accepted at the final stage and roughly 75% given refugee status at the first instance. Quite what explains this turnaround, whether or not it’s an anomaly or is in some way a result of the government’s response to the McMahon report, is something I haven’t yet found out. For now we’ll have to wait to see what 2018s numbers look like.
Ireland has also recently implemented into law the European Reception Directive – which effectively commits EU states to homogenise the conditions that asylum seekers live under across the union – meaning that Ireland’s system must now in principle at least be as generous as, for example, Germany’s.
As chaotic and mired in controversy as Ireland’s asylum system is, in real numbers Ireland actually takes in fewer asylum seekers annually than other comparably sized EU nations. This appears to be a legacy feature of Ireland’s system, whose strictness and inefficiencies were allegedly an attempt to dissuade higher numbers of people from coming to Ireland through the asylum route. However various policy changes and international agreements look likely to spell an end to whatever remains of that restrictiveness.
Ireland, like other states, currently is waiting on reforms to be finalised by the EU that will update the super-state’s common asylum policy, with the possibility of introducing mandatory quotas for the redistribution of refugees, and amending the Dublin regulations – which hitherto meant asylum seekers looking for asylum in the EU had to claim it in the first EU country they entered, rather than choosing which one they wanted after entering the EUs borders. At present these reforms have been held up by a handful of dissenting countries – who reject in particular the mandatory relocation quotas. For now, it seems the EU will be going ahead with a ‘voluntary’ resettlement system – whereby countries can apparently opt in to take a share of refugees. Ireland’s foreign minister Simon Coveney earlier this year expressed support for ‘voluntary’ redistribution, stating that any states that fail to ‘volunteer’ should be forced to pay “significant” financial contributions to the EU, to cover the costs involved with taking in refugees.
Back in Ireland, another reform that is currently under discussion concerns family reunification for refugees. Up until a few years ago, Ireland had quite an open policy when it came to family reunification, in 2016 though changes were brought in that tried to restrict reunification effectively only to spouses and dependent children. Under the pre 2016 system Minister for Justice David Stanton reported that the average number of family members applied for was 20, whilst the highest recorded was 70. However a bill is currently going through the Irish political system that, if passed, would overturn these recent restrictions and broaden the definition of ‘family’ to include extended family members. In the Dáil debate concerning this amendment Justice Minister David Stanton defended the current law, noting that the discretionary powers it affords the relevant Minister quite often enables extended family members to enter Ireland anyway. He also noted that alongside the normal system of family reunification, the government is running a parallel family reunification programme, called IHAP – which does allow for a broader range of family members, and is aimed at the families of refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Somalia, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Myanmar, Eritrea and Burundi. Over the next two years IHAP will allow for a further 530 individuals to come to Ireland, and is in part formulated with the specific aim of speeding up the family reunification process.
Also relevant to the issue of family reunification: The Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission have recently put two cases before the court of appeal that argue naturalised citizens no longer availing of the ‘refugee’ designation should also be entitled to family reunification – on the grounds that family reunification for refugees (even after naturalisation) is guaranteed by the right to family life under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and also, potentially, the Irish constitution. It’s maybe worth noting that the controversial Article 8 has been used in other European countries to define much broader definitions of ‘family’ than any Irish legislation hitherto has, and has also been used elsewhere in Europe to block deportations.
Perhaps unsurprisingly Family Reunification is alleged to be exacerbating the current housing crisis and putting pressure on homelessness services.
Additional to all of this, Ireland recently signed the controversial UN Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. The compact is intended to reframe political discussion on migration, to focus its management more across international lines and to better ’empower migrants’, protecting them from the abuses of people traffickers and so on. Perhaps most worrying to some, the compact also outlines commitments for states to combat media that, quote, “promote intolerance, xenophobia […] and other forms of discrimination towards migrants”. The Compact, although not binding in law, is perhaps best taken as an indication of where those states that signed it intend for their national policy to go – i.e. to stifle robust criticism of migration, and to facilitate, rather than restrict or slow down, the mass immigration that the world is in the midst of.
There’s much more I could go into, but here is perhaps a good place to start winding down. Before we end the video though it’s worth looking at some comments made by Irish Foreign Minister Simon Coveney recently, after he was asked by a member of the public to talk about the UN Compact on Migration.
“On the continent of Africa, in the next 25 to 30 years we expect there will be another billion people on that continent. And so, we need to find new ways of addressing the realities of the mass movement of people by trying to create…. economies and societies that people want to be part of. If you take an example of this: in Ethiopia, which has a rapidly growing population, to simply keep unemployment at the rate it’s at today, because there’s so many extra young people coming of age in terms of employability, they need to create an extra 2 million jobs every year. That’s all the jobs in Ireland every year needs to be added to the working population of Ethiopia alone to simply keep pace with their population growth. Next door in Kenya it’s an extra million people. These are impossible numbers. And so this is part of the development challenge that the EU has to take on with a much, much more ambitious partnership with Africa – partly because of what we know the alternative will be, which is a huge migration challenge for the EU – instead of there being hundreds of thousands of people looking to enter the EU we may well be in the millions, and all the tensions that that will cause. I happen to be someone who is quite liberal on migration, I believe that Ireland has been enhanced significantly by the fact that so many people who are not born in Ireland are now part of our society and economy… but of course we need to also ensure that we can manage the numbers that’re being welcomed and that they can integrate appropriately. We estimate over the next 20 years that the population of Ireland will certainly grow by an extra million people – linked to that estimate is that half of that number won’t have been born in Ireland. I think that will be a really good thing for Irish society, but we do need to manage it carefully, so that we don’t allow the politics of migration to play a big part in Irish politics, because I think it pulls us down a dangerous direction.”
What Coveney’s comments reveal is that he, and likely much of the rest of Ireland’s political elite, are well aware of the epochal demographic changes that are occurring in the third world – and that are the real drivers behind mass immigration into the west. But rather than take on people’s concerns and look to shield the country from the adverse affects of this enormous change, he views it as something to exploit. What it also reveals is that, as with most neoliberal, western politicians, he views Ireland as little more than an economy – a marketplace – rather than a home for a distinct culture and national community.
The implications of this sort of thinking at the very top of our society are huge – and as I noted in the aforementioned video, The Transformation of Ireland, the consequences have the potential to totally reshape Ireland over the next few decades.
Although the asylum system is really just a small strand of the immigration to Ireland, it’s one with powerful moral implications to the public discourse – selling immigration to people on the basis of compassion, and framing opposition to it as bigotry and meanness, even when it leads to virtual overnight transformation of one’s own hometown.
On this matter both Ireland’s state and private media companies are effectively all in lockstep with the government’s own thinking – helping to promote multiculturalism and diversity as virtuous and enriching, immigration as essential to ‘the economy’, and portraying those who seek asylum in a suitably sympathetic light – as seen in RTÉ’s recent – Taken Down.
“when you read the paper and you read an article about Direct Provision, and you see the pictures of the prefabs out in Athlone or wherever, it’s very hard to understand the… kind of…human factor, and so what the show is really trying to do is put a human face on it and let the people tell those stories.” “Ah… racism, sadly. Taken Down writer Stuart Carolon blast racist trolls for hijacking new RTÉ drama’s hashtag to peddle sick and poisonous messages. There was one here that called me that was: ‘perhaps our broadband would be better if government invested some of the millions given to direct provision for random third world chancers on a national broadband infrastructure instead.’ And I just kinda went: ‘really? wifi?’ That’s literally first world problems.” “I look at my children and my children god love them, god forgive me for saying this, they’re kinda mongrels, they’re Serbian.. they’re Serbian, Egyptian, Irish, everything. They go to school they’ve got every creed and nationality, I think there’s even a Klingon in their class. Do you know what I mean?” [I Love that] “And it’s perfect. and you look at that and I just think ‘wow, how we’ve progressed.'” “this right wing thing at the moment, that’s been happening over the last few years, it’s not just in Ireland, it’s everywhere and you hear it so much that it’s becoming kinda normalised. It’s not something I think we need to concentrate on, but we just need to keep a kinda eye on it.”
Amusingly, a concurrent incident at a bus stop, in which a man of African appearance was caught on video engaging in an indecent act, right beside a poster for the show, perhaps gave everyone a glimpse of a less noble side of third world immigration.
But much like the hotel owners and Direct Provision centre operators, the Irish political elite’s objectives here have less to do with compassion, and are just more of the same old Irish-style cronyism and petty profiteering that has the plagued the country for many generations. The Irish state’s turn towards ‘global openness’ and simultaneous expression of contempt for ‘backward’ rural Ireland, are not coincidental. The new Ireland they envisage is to be a global marketplace, where Irish people are not at the centre of things. Unless a rapid sea-change occurs in Irish politics, and the vision of the current political elites begins to face serious questions, than the disenfranchisement of the Irish people in their own homeland will only continue.
The Transformation of Ireland
Contract Signed for Lisdoonvarna
Moville hotel 100 asylum seekers
Secret’ arrangements being made to open refugee centre in Rooskey, Dáil told
Rooskey Residents Seek Meeting Over Use of Hotel for Asylum Seekers
Irish Refugee Council founder opposes imposing asylum centres on communities
Fury at Wicklow asylum centre meeting: Locals fear rape and crime threat
David Stanton blasted for not consulting Moville community over asylum centre plans
Moville Direct Provision meeting
Wicklow Town hall St Patricks GAA Part 2
Arson in Moville: ‘People won’t tell you what they really think’
Population density of Ireland map
Prime Time: Why are people opposed to asylum centres in their communities?
More people are returning to Ireland than leaving for the first time since 2009
Small towns ‘hit hardest’ in the past 10 years, Dublin least
Big study finds 1 in 4 rural households have had someone emigrate
Who goes where? Population change in Ireland
Dublin will rue its contempt for the countryside
Report that rural Ireland is dying is hardly a shock
Direction provision FAQ
Q&A: What is direct provision?
Hotel Limbo: how Ireland institutionalises asylum seekers
Physical and mental health issues among residents are very common. Asylum seekers are 5 times more likely to experience mental health issues and psychiatric conditions.
Mosney PLC Biggest Earner as Direct Provision Firms Share %0mmil bonanza in 2017
Ireland spending €150 million a year on asylum system
“Bridgestock has received a total of at least €68 million in State funding for running direct provision centres.”
Significant increase in numbers seeking asylum in Republic
How direct provision became a profitable business
Five direct provision centres oversubscribed
More than 200 Asylum Seekers May Lose Homes Before Christmas
The national average rent is €1,122 per month
Average house price in Dublin at €375k, report shows
Dublin is back top 100 most expensive cities list
RIA Monthly Report September 2018
“High numbers of applications and low acceptance rates,”
Germany’s government launched a renewed attempt Wednesday to declare three North African states and Georgia “safe countries of origin”, which would raise the hurdles for asylum requests by its citizens.
Germany declares Georgia safe country
Belgium tells georgians not to claim asylum
Ireland – Albania and Georgia declared safe countries of origin in April
Residents were spending an average of 23 months in direct provision by the end of December 2017, while 432 people had been in the system for five years of more.
Deportation row as officials fail to carry out 80% of removals
“the scheme that doesn’t exist”
A scheme where refugees can bring relatives to live in Ireland is putting pressure on homeless services, and pushing refugee families into emergency accommodation, the director of the Dublin Region Homeless Executive (DRHE) has said.
UN: Two million children risk starvation in DRC
Revived Boko Haram makes mockery of Nigerian army
How Global Demographics Threaten to Transform the West
2015 acceptance rates
2016 acceptance rates
All change for asylum seekers?
International Protection Act
dec 2018 – EU ministers hit a wall in ongoing effort to reform asylum system
Coveney – refugee resettlement “Countries that are willing to take migrants and refugees in order to share the burden with countries that are bordering the Mediterranean should be encouraged to do that,”
“And countries that refuse to actually take migrants, I believe should be made to actually make significant financial contributions to helping the EU response towards the overall migration crisis.”
Dáil debate family reunification
Full Dáil debate on the proposed expansion of the family reunification programme
International Protection (Family Reunification) (Amendment) Bill 2017: Committee Stage (Resumed) – Seanad, Wednesday, 8 Nov 2017
The Humanitarian Admission Programme 2 (IHAP)
“Irish citizens should not have been denied access to the family reunification scheme, the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission has said.”
“The commission concludes that article 8 of the ECHR, which protects private and family life, does guarantee a right to family reunification to refugees even if they have acquired citizenship.”
Article 8 info UK law
Article 8 used in UK law to prevent deportations
Family definition allowed by article 8 potentially very broad (various courts have ‘family life’ to include ‘indigenous’ ‘multi-generational’ family setups, non-blood ties, aunts and uncles/nieces and nephews)
Refugee family reunification putting ‘pressure’ on homeless system
Homelessness of asylum seekers becoming an issue
GLOBAL COMPACT FOR SAFE, ORDERLY AND REGULAR MIGRATION – FINAL DRAFT
Simon Coveney asked about the Global Compact — 500,000 migrants for Ireland over next 20 years
“We can’t have Ireland just for the Irish” -Soc Dems candidate Sarah Durcan
Laois TD says Ireland a global island
Michael D. Higgins urges Irish people to embrace immigrants in Christmas address
The Irish Times view: We must dismantle barriers for immigrants
RTÉ promote campaign to halt deportation of Chinese illegals but no air time for opposing views
Texters slam Newstalk host over views on anchor babies & birth-right citizenship
Brian Gleeson on new drama ‘Taken Down’ | The Ray D’Arcy Show | RTÉ One
Racist Reactions to Taken Down | Brendan O’Connor’s Cutting Edge
Ex-justice minister John O’Donoghue cashes in on asylum application fees
State asylum cases earned ex-minister’s wife €1m
‘Global Ireland’ – Ireland’s Global Footprint to 2025
‘The Global Island’ Foreign Policy document